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Bienvenidos al Centro Histórico de Quito

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You can change your cookie settings at any time. Continue Find out more. More Spanish examples for this word. Agradable hostal ubicado en pleno centro del Modernismo.

Centro del Muchacho Trabajador recibe Honoris Causa

Se escuchan disparos de bala y distintos grupos avanzan sobre el centro de la ciudad. Ubicado en pleno centro de la ciudad, a 50 mts del casino. Not all countries deployed such state power in the name of children's health. Specific concern with infant mortality as a medical, social, and ultimately political problem emerged in several Latin American countries in the s, almost simultaneous to infant mortality's 'discovery' in Europe and North America.

Earlier in the 19th century, women reformers and charity workers used this information to leverage public and private resources for maternalist assistance and welfare activities. This rhetoric found increasing resonance in political circles but was rarely accompanied by the concomitant resources to combat child misery.

Social Medicine Then and Now: Lessons From Latin America

One of the earliest studies of urban infant mortality was undertaken by Dr. Emilio Coni, of Buenos Aires, in Plan de trabajo Coni, a member of the Buenos Aires City Council before becoming the head of the city's Public Assistance office in , documented disease, injury, vice, and lack of parental guidance among tenement children, then spearheaded legislation protecting children in tenements and the workplace Recalde, ; Coni, Through these efforts, Coni and many of his fellow doctor-reformers exposed dire social conditions and advocated increased legislative and medical control of the behavior of the poor.

The child health movement in Argentina, as elsewhere, incorporated humanitarian, medicalized, and repressive approaches to child-raising; at the same time, doctors managed to increase their own social and political prominence, as well as their professional standing. In drawing attention to child health, physicians found themselves at the center of the nationalizing mission.

Brazil's father-son team Drs. Carlos Arthur Moncorvo de Figueiredo and Arthur Moncorvo Filho were academic towncriers with publications between them and tireless advocates of state's accountability for child health and welfare: The Moncorvos' systematic push for the state's in loco parentis role of safeguarding poor children from the misery and delinquency typical of Brazil's cities was based on an equation of child health and well-being adding up to national health and well-being Wadsworth, ; Wadsworth, Marko, Likewise, in Mexico City starting in the late 19 th century, juvenile delinquents were moved into vocational schools where they learned a trade and were disciplined in the ways of a hygienic life free of vice and filth.

In the same period, day care centers began to be established in the capital for the offspring of single mothers toiling long hours in apparel, cigarette, and other factories, where exercise, nutrition, hygiene, and medical surveillance formed part of overall schooling efforts. In most places, child-saving measures were more consistent with state-building than social revolution.

Brazil's internationally-inspired child-saving movement, Irene Rizzini has demonstrated, put more emphasis on reducing the social threat of delinquents by re-educating them as laborers than on inclusive educational policies which might have reduced Brazil's social inequalities Rizzini, To similar ends, many countries of the region employed school hygiene measures, beginning in the late 19 th century and well into the 20 th , as a symbol of children's importance in the forging of a national identity Schell, ; Morquio, and the promotion of civility, modernity, and citizenship Agostoni, Articulated at Mexico's first Hygienic Pedagogy Congress in , healthy schooling required that school buildings be clean, well-ventilated, supplied with running water or full sanitation systems, and include a gymnasium or other facility for exercise.

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In Panama, for example, despite the symbolic value of children's health in nationalist rhetoric and the practicality of school-based inspections, only a fraction of children were reached until legislation for compulsory school medical service was passed in Farinoni, In Brazil, Mexico, Uruguay, and other countries, children's health education became the essential counterpart to medical inspection starting in the s and s, with children seen as a conduit to family health Zioni, Adorno, dez. School health also captured the interest of international organizations that had hitherto paid little attention to child health.

The Rockefeller Foundation's influential International Health Division recognized the importance of these efforts even though it was focused on public health education and disease campaigns rather than child health per se. At Rockefeller-sponsored rural health units in Mexico in the s, nurses and other personnel were encouraged to teach personal hygiene measures to children as a means of inculcating sanitary values across generations Rocha, ; Birn, Surfacing at a time of growth and institution-building in the nations of Latin America, child health became a central component of the modernizing agenda that would last over several generations.


Child health takes center stage: Physicians and reformers discussed and sometimes partially adopted measures developed overseas, but they also recognized the limits of these approaches amidst conditions of poverty and social disorder. Financial impediments to state action in the early decades of the 20 th century meant that feminist reformers and other private sector actors continued to play significant roles in child health. But new developments were also afoot.

Late 19 th and early 20 th century Latin American efforts drew from, coincided with, and shaped both regional and international discussions tying children's health and welfare to the national destiny.

At the time, French influences predominated throughout the region in both medical and social welfare domains. In infant and child medical specialties, as in clinical medicine generally, Latin American medical education was modeled on France: As in Europe and North America in this period, child health was an area of burgeoning interest within Latin American medicine. Dozens of new positions and departments of child and infant medicine were founded in the s. Although these and other child health and welfare provisions were modeled on the French bureaucratic tradition which had replaced Iberian administrative systems in the 19 th century , most Latin American countries never achieved the French ideal of centralized management and policymaking and universality of benefits Klaus, Campaigns for children's health were also magnified by changes in the demographic landscape: In many settings immigrants were perceived to be a threat to national aspirations.

Political elites in late 19th and early 20 th century Costa Rica, for example, blamed their country's perennial labor shortage on the high infant mortality rate and saw this as the primary reason the country had to resort to accepting Jamaican, Nicaraguan Chinese, and other immigrants believed to be degenerative influences Palmer, As such, child health was viewed as a pressure valve on immigration and a precursor to improving the country's racial stock.

Indeed, public health and eugenics advocates shared a language of alarm about demography and degeneration with state builders and social reformers Castillo Troncoso, , making doctors instrumental figures in national modernizing projects. If eugenics served as an important ingredient in the region's support for maternal and child health, it was also an arena where international disagreements played out. Improving a society's genetic stock entailed the breeding out of bad genes through sterilization and prohibitions on procreation so-called 'negative eugenics'.

While such ideas generated divisions among researchers in the United States and elsewhere, the precepts of 'negative eugenics' were successfully translated into social policy, with 31 of 48 U. As Nancy Stepan has presented for Mexico, Brazil, and Argentina, eugenics was interpreted through neo-Lamarckian ideas about the inheritance of acquired characteristics and implemented through the practices of puericulture and homiculture, the latter a Cuban-coined extension of Pinard's concerns to all age groups.

Latin eugenics stressed reforming the social and moral environment of prospective parents and children instead of blocking reproduction.

Children raised well might not only overcome an unfavorable genetic background, they would also pass on these new traits to future generations, improving the larger society. This so-called 'positive eugenics' movement, with its emphasis on sanitation, health and sound marriage, and the scientific improvement of the circumstances surrounding conception and childhood, closely overlapped with concerns over maternal and child health Stepan, ; Reis, mar.

Yet these divisions did not lead to an abandonment of eugenics in Latin American milieus. French-influenced Mexican eugenists dominated the Mexican medical establishment and a wide array of government agencies. Education and criminal justice, to mention just two arenas, joined health and medicine in making eugenic ideas central to Mexico's project of national re construction following the Revolution Stern, , Feb. State public health initiatives aimed at children were particularly infused with eugenic thinking.

Though wide-ranging, such measures were mostly implemented in capitals and larger cities Miranda, , with rural children neglected by both child health and eugenic activities until the s, or in some cases, until the s or beyond. By comparison, the steps taken by most other governments around the world were more tentative than France's; in Latin America, ambitious state efforts to take on responsibility for infant and child well-being could not be sustained through the existing financial and governing capacity.

Here eugenic puericulture was one part of an ambitious region-wide effort to bolster the rights, conditions, and health of children which drew from leadership, research, exchanges, and cultural and economic realities of the Americas. Again, public health physicians and maternalist feminists spearheaded these movements, competing and partially converging over time.

Such Panamerican and Latin American networks were not unique to child health; they formed around topics ranging from medicine and hospitals to housing, sociology, commerce, crime, history, literature, Jews, coffee, highways, electricity, and democracy kicked off officially by the first International American Conference held in in Washington, DC , engendering active organizations at both the national and regional level.

In the medical arena, child hygiene and pediatrics enjoyed an increasing presence at the Latin American Medical Congresses, which were inaugurated in Santiago de Chile in and had a special child medicine section by the 5 th region-wide meeting in Lima in Almeida, In public health circles, it took somewhat longer for children's health to gain attention.

Physician representatives to the quadrennial conventions began expressing their concerns with childhood illness and high infant mortality starting in Ulloa et al. Meanwhile, women reformers and child health advocates and reformers took their organizing elsewhere. In the wake of two aborted efforts to institutionalize an international association for childhood protection in Brussels in and , a group of Latin America 'maternalist feminists', who viewed the lot of children to be inextricably linked to the rights of women as mothers, organized the first Pan American Child Congress in Buenos Aires in The meetings and the larger movement served for almost half a century as a vibrant hemispheric forum for Latin American reformers, feminists, nurses, policy makers, sociologists, physicians, lawyers, and social workers devoted to improving the health and welfare of poor and working class children and their mothers Conferencias Paulina Luisi and other South American delegates who had been involved in the congresses before heading to Geneva Scarzanella, By the time of the second congress held in in Montevideo, pediatricians had upstaged feminist reformers.

The first of its kind in the world, the Institute collected and disseminated research and policy information pertaining to the care and protection of mothers and children. Its widely-circulated journal, library, health education materials, and the subsequent Child Congresses it organized rapidly established a strong reputation for the Institute and generated a large network of informants and collaborators throughout the region and the world.

Luis Morquio and others. In Uruguay passed a Children's Code that spelled out children's rights to health, welfare, education, and decent living conditions, and which created specific centralized institutions to run and oversee child and maternal aid programs. The League of Nations Health Organization sponsored several of the Institute's infant mortality and nutrition studies, and Institute director Morquio was named President of Geneva-based Save the Children in Birn, b.

In the s, some countries, such as Chile, established extensive maternal and child health measures, including several months of paid maternity leave, an allowance for nutrition and infant health services, and exclusive infant access to maternal milk until age five. For example, the Rockefeller Foundation's international health activities in Latin America in the first half of the 20 th century, though not aimed specifically at maternal and child health, entered this arena through involvement in nursing and graduate public health education, rural health, and the forerunner of its later family planning efforts Black, ; Birn, a; Vessuri, set.

In most settings growing national attention to child health in the s and s did not exclude competing ideologies and approaches. In Argentina and other countries with a strong Church, the development of a children's welfare state did not part with the moralistic teachings of Catholicism but incorporated values of family moralism and marriage as a means of decreasing illegitimacy and improving fertility and child health Di Liscia, Revolutionary maternalism in Mexico was interlaced with growing medicalization and state control over mothering practices Blum, , yet the diffusion of eugenic puericulture beliefs and practices necessarily took place through religious, civil society, and private channels.

In the first half of the 20 th century the proliferation of Pan Americanism played an important part in framing regional approaches to child health in scientific, cultural, political, and legal terms. Notwithstanding powerful nationalistic rhetoric and the persistent advocacy and region-wide solidarity of professionals and reformers, however, a full-blown child-centered welfare state was perennially impeded by difficult political and economic conditions, leaving an ongoing role for private action Guy, ; Blum, Demographic perspectives and the international context.

Another angle on child health in Latin America in the republican period comes from nascent studies in historical demography.

Recordando al Conejo - Fernando Velasco Abad

Typically following French bureaucratic templates, a few countries, some states and provinces, and many capital cities and other municipalities in the region began to collect statistics and study demographic trends starting in the late 19 th or early 20 th century. Peru and Mexico passed vital statistics legislation in the s, Argentina founded its Civil Registry in , Uruguay in , and Brazil followed suit in More sporadic than systematic, and capturing far more urban than rural demographics, these registries nonetheless revealed extremely high infant mortality rates throughout the region Mitchell, Demographers have pointed out that in most settings there was significant under-registration of births especially for illegitimate births and those in poor and isolated households , as well as extreme under-reporting of infant deaths in the early hours, days, or months of life McGuire, Frankel, , suggesting that uncorrected mortality figures are unreliable.

Certainly, as discussed above, these figures served as ammunition in contentious debates over depopulation, fitness for employment, and racial, ethnic, and national identity. Yet important as these data were in fueling contemporary discussions, they have been of limited use for historians interested in analyzing prewar national patterns. For example, though Buenos Aires data began to be compiled in the s and were relatively complete by the s Mazzeo, , and statistical annuals covering Brazilian state capitals and regions began sporadic publication in , neither Argentina nor Brazil compiled reliable national-level records until the s Brasil, Peruvian and Mexican registries, as in most Latin American countries, did not achieve national coverage until the s Hakkert, Uruguay's Civil Registry with regular national coverage by the s and infant mortality data available from the s, serves as an exception to this timing; ironically, Uruguay's scarce censuses makes infant and child mortality more reliable than adult mortality, for which a population denominator is difficult to ascertain Rial, ; Pellegrino, The paucity and deficiencies of Latin American vital statistics data from before World War II make demographic analyses of child and infant mortality in the region challenging.

Other local studies examine the role of labor patterns, social structure, land tenure, production and export, and hunger on infant mortality Puerto, The most closely examined case of infant and child health comes from Uruguay, where infant mortality circa was lower than that of all recorded countries except Norway but then fluctuated around the same level for almost four decades, whilst other countries experienced sustained declines.

In all likelihood, it was Uruguay's early successes in this arena that initially left child well-being out of its early welfare state measures. The regularization of public health services, the monitoring of milk, water supply and sewage, regulation of tenements, the implementation of the Children's Code of , as well as the introduction of specific diarrhea control measures and a family wage in the s all contributed to the eventual improvements in Uruguayan infant mortality Birn, forthcoming.

Uruguay's infant mortality conundrum, as well as a recent comparison of Montevideo and Buenos Aires pointing out that Buenos Aires infant mortality declined faster than that of Montevideo in the first decades of the 20 th century in spite of Uruguay's greater centralization and welfare orientation Mazzeo, Pollero, suggest that Latin American child health patterns differ from the more studied cases of Europe not only in timing, but also in levels, causes, and approaches. Undoubtedly only the beginning of child-specific demographic perspectives on Latin American health, these studies defy the diffusionist characterizations of historical studies of development and child health.

From the private sphere to the welfare state, and back?

Centro del Muchacho Trabajador recibe Honoris Causa

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